Vietnam War Essay Australia

Vietnam War Essay Australia-52
Should we trace it back to the 1940s when President Harry Truman authorized U. Eisenhower’s “domino theory,” the idea that if one country in Southeast Asia fell to the communists, the entire region would fall, and the ripple effects would be felt throughout the Asia-Pacific world, informed not only his thinking about U. relations with the region but the policymaking of his successors, John F. The global context is also important because Cold War tensions between the U. Did it begin in the 1950s when the Geneva Accords divided Vietnam in two and President Dwight Eisenhower offered U. aid to help establish a non-communist nation in the southern half to counter the communist north? Kennedy asserted that Americans would “pay any price, bear any burden” to support democratic nation building as a way to counter communist advances in Asia. S.-Vietnam relations and the Vietnam War did not occur in a vacuum.A colony of France since the mid-nineteenth century, Vietnam fell under Japanese control in 1940 after France surrendered to Germany during World War II.

Should we trace it back to the 1940s when President Harry Truman authorized U. Eisenhower’s “domino theory,” the idea that if one country in Southeast Asia fell to the communists, the entire region would fall, and the ripple effects would be felt throughout the Asia-Pacific world, informed not only his thinking about U. relations with the region but the policymaking of his successors, John F. The global context is also important because Cold War tensions between the U. Did it begin in the 1950s when the Geneva Accords divided Vietnam in two and President Dwight Eisenhower offered U. aid to help establish a non-communist nation in the southern half to counter the communist north? Kennedy asserted that Americans would “pay any price, bear any burden” to support democratic nation building as a way to counter communist advances in Asia. S.-Vietnam relations and the Vietnam War did not occur in a vacuum.A colony of France since the mid-nineteenth century, Vietnam fell under Japanese control in 1940 after France surrendered to Germany during World War II.

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“To defend Southeast Asia,” Mc Namara argued, “we must meet the challenge in South Vietnam.” The region mattered to the U. because “(i)n communist hands, this area would pose a most serious threat to the security of the United States and to the family of free-world nations.” Vietnam was America’s test case to prove that it could meet the global challenge of communist wars of liberation.[9] Johnson’s anxieties about U. credibility, combined with political instability in Saigon, China’s resistance to negotiations, and Hanoi’s refusal to remove troops from South Vietnam and stop aiding the National Liberation Front led him to escalate the U. military presence in Vietnam from 1964 through 1967.

The election of Nguyen Van Thieu to South Vietnam’s presidency in 1967 brought hope for stability, but 1968 opened with the Tet Offensive, which turned Americans against the war and influenced Johnson’s decision to not seek reelection.

In 1954, Chiang Kai-shek of Taiwan and South Korea’s Syngman Rhee founded the Asian People’s Anticommunist League (APACL) as part of their efforts to resist communist insurgencies.

Beginning in 1964, the central subject of the organization’s annual meetings was South Vietnam and how members of the APACL could offer political and military assistance.

Historians still debate what Kennedy would have done regarding Vietnam had he lived beyond November 1963. Some close to Kennedy and members of his administration believe he would have escalated as Johnson did. He believed the South Vietnamese should fight for themselves with American aid and advice.

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While publicly he seemed staunchly committed to containing communism in Asia, he expressed doubt privately about South Vietnam’s chances for survival and whether it was worth a U. Others have maintained that he would not have escalated. The problem for Johnson was that deep down he didn’t necessarily want to commit U. Publicly, though, he and members of his administration, especially Secretary of Defense Robert Mc Namara, emphasized the strategic importance of South Vietnam. Rather than identifying one starting point, it is more accurate to understand U. All of the key moments in the process emerged from different contexts and the thinking of various players, but there were three threads that unified them: communism, the Cold War, and credibility. It involved economic aid, political and military advisors, and boots on the ground. At the same time that we must investigate Vietnamese and Southeast Asian agency regarding the conflict, we also must acknowledge the significance of Cold War superpower rivalries and decision making to how the war played out. The context of decolonization helps explain regional Southeast Asian perspectives on communism. One of the main reasons it remains a source of argument is that it is difficult to say when the U. S., the Soviet Union, and China also shaped events related to the Vietnam War. policymakers to commit advisors, money, materiel, and troops to Vietnam, lest allies lose faith in American resolve to build a global democratic bulwark against communism and adversaries hear threats ring hollow.Presidents from Truman through Johnson worried about American credibility. Like Korea, Vietnam was now only half communist, and the division of the country maintained the balance of power between the two spheres.[5] President Kennedy’s concern about American credibility dated back to his time as a Congressman from Massachusetts. Yet, he believed the old ways of European imperialism like France’s attempt to recolonize Vietnam were wrong.During the Truman administration, the State Department issued NSC-68, a paper arguing that the Soviet Union was “animated by a new fanatic faith” and determined “to impose its absolute authority over the rest of the world.”[4] To combat the Soviet threat, the U. must embark on a massive buildup of conventional and nuclear weapons, NSC-68 contended. Eisenhower considered the partition of Vietnam a victory for the U. That type of approach would just play into the hands of the communists, and in any case, Kennedy believed that the U. had an obligation to help build and support strong non-communist native governments.An APACL youth conference featured attendees from the U.S., including Tom Charles Huston and David Keene representing Young Americans for Freedom.[1] Southeast Asia was so important in the minds of America policymakers and their allies that the U. gave economic and military aid to South Vietnam, while the Soviet Union and China offered similar assistance to North Vietnam.It mattered whether the new countries established communist or non-communist governments.Vietnam’s history offers a case study of decolonization in action.

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